A Future Jordan - نحن الأردن

A very good and timely piece by Rami Khoury - I couldn't have agreed more

Can Jordan fight terror, democratically?
By Rami G. Khouri
Wednesday, November 23, 2005

The lingering fallout from the November 9 terror attack against three hotels in Amman continues to be characterized by a peculiarly Jordanian combination of determination and indecision. The bold and courageous willingness by King Abdullah II and his state security capabilities to confront the criminals who kill civilians throughout the region and the world is somewhat countered by a corresponding meekness in promoting the kind of domestic political reforms that would pull the rug out from under the terrorists, both in Jordan and regionally.

Amman is swirling with political emotions, expectations and rumors, as the results of the attacks remain unclear to most people. There is also a widespread sense that things cannot stay the same - This has been on the surface for quite sometime now (AZ). Fighting terrorism with the same old methods will work to a large extent, but will not prevent determined criminals from doing their evil deeds. A qualitatively different kind of anti-terror policy is needed, and Jordan is one of the few places in the Arab world that could envisage moving down that path.

I mentioned last week that Jordan, unlike most other Arab states, has a special opportunity to make the sorts of historic, substantive changes in its society that could provide the first successful Arab example of a country that fights terror not only by military, security and intelligence means, but also by mobilizing Jordanians to forge a political culture based on inclusion and accountability that gives the terrorists and extremists no fertile ground in which to operate - This is one opportunity the leadership in Jordan can not miss (AZ).

The general threat throughout the Middle East, and increasingly globally, is the spread of an extremist political ideology that also uses violence against its own societies as well as against foreign targets. Terror by Osama bin Laden and Abu Musab al-Zarqawi are symptoms of a deeper malaise, and older distortions and tensions in Arab society. These are fundamentally political in nature, along with economic and social aspects that cannot be ignored. The core pan-Arab problem that has allowed fundamentalist religious extremism to flourish and terror groups to emerge is the problem of abuse of political authority and economic resources in societies where average citizens feel increasingly alienated and powerless - Rami si so right in his analysis, terrorism directed at muslisms and non-muslims, arabs and non-arabs is the major symptom of a Sickness that has been plaguing the Arab society for years (AZ) .

Blowing up hotels and embassies gives humiliated and marginalized Arabs a sense of empowerment, resistance and self-assertion, in ways not available to them through existing political systems. This happens, and expands, primarily because of domestic indignities within Arab society, and these in turn are aggravated by the policies of Israel, the United States and other foreign powers whose troops routinely enter or sometimes occupy Arab lands for years at a time. Defeating terror requires eliminating the underlying political environment allowing it to breed. The antidote to terror is not only security measures managed by police and intelligence agencies, or tougher new laws enforced by interior ministries. The antidote is a political and economic culture in which a majority of ordinary citizens feel empowered, represented and respected as citizens with equal rights. This kind of citizenry, working closely with its security agencies, can then provide political legitimacy and police efficiency that defeats existing terror groups and prevent new ones from springing up.

Jordan has the chance to pioneer this concept, if it can muster the courage and boldness on the political front that Abdullah has already shown on the security front, and in his assertions of the moderation of Islam represented by his own Hashemite family - I honestly doubt that the leadership has what it takes, courage, boldness, forsight and wisedomm, to grab this chance as shown by the lack of commitment and progress in the last three years in the reform track (AZ). Since November 9, we have witnessed political solidarity and moral indignation in Jordan - but these alone are not effective long-term tools in the battle against extremism and terror. Practical political transformations are now needed to transform popular indignation and the leadership's moral boldness into a new phenomenon: Arab democracy, in which security agencies connect with and are empowered by their own citizenry, but also are held accountable to it.

Here are some ideas for procedures that could be instituted in Jordan to forge a closer, healthier relationship among the security services, the political institutions and the citizenry as a whole. Jordan is uniquely placed today to do this because of the rare combination of assets and conditions defining it. The country enjoys strong public support for the king and leadership. The political elite has spoken often and impressively about setting an example of democratic transition and political reforms for the Arab world - but to date without its deeds matching its words - So right. We have become frustrated with plan after plan, with cabinet reshuffle after cabinet reshuffle,... till we became a nation of ministers, none of which has an accomplishment to be proud of and even those who want to affect change aren't given the opportunity as our cabinets are changed at least once every three months (AZ). The security apparatus is efficient and respected. It is time to bring these three forces together into a more profound political culture.

Four specific areas of innovation can be explored, benefiting the security agencies and the public at large. The first is to forge a more formal, institutional link between the security system and the public through a civilian oversight body that meets regularly with the security leadership to evaluate policies and strategies, discuss complaints, evaluate budgets, make suggestions, and, most importantly, generate a sense of accountability and solidarity that is not always there now. A small group of distinguished persons could be appointed by the king as a security-sector advisory and oversight council, a modest first step toward a more institutionalized accountability mechanism that could be developed later. An even more limited trial could be done by appointing a civilian oversight committee to review the work of the anti-corruption department within the intelligence department.

A second step would be to open the security sector to greater cooperation with the media, starting with regular interviews and press briefings, including background and off-the-record briefings. If citizens knew more about the work, methods, needs and aims of the security agencies, this would have two powerful impacts: it would take away much of the sense of marginalization and powerlessness that many citizens feel in the face of their state security systems, which, they assume, can act with impunity; and it would, conversely, prompt many citizens to cooperate legitimately with the police and security sectors. More mutual trust between citizen and security agencies would benefit both.

A third possible move would be to forge a more structured relationship of mutual accountability between the security agencies and both the elected lower house of Parliament and the appointed Upper House. This sort of give-and-take could happen in public at one level - the televised discussion of the security-sector budget, for example - while other issues would need to be discussed in closed committees.

The fourth suggestion relates to the police force, which is the security agency that is in the most direct, daily contact with the public at the local neighborhood level. It is vital that police-community relations be improved and injected with a mechanism for two-way communication, feedback, complaints and problem-solving initiatives. It would be relevant now to establish some local police-community relations councils that include not just the traditional sheikhs and tribal and business leaders, but also young people, including women, who have their own security issues to raise. The police cannot ensure security alone; they can only do so with the active participation of communities.

These are four simple ideas that could be explored, among many others. Perhaps Jordanian citizens could be asked to send suggestions to the king and the government on how to forge a stronger relationship of accountability and communication between citizens and the security system. This is absolutely crucial to the three goals that Jordan seeks to achieve and that confront all Arab states: fighting terrorism; promoting a stable society that does not give rise to extremist movements; and achieving a dignified, prosperous life for all citizens through political, economic, social and educational reforms. At some point, some Arab government will have to stop talking about these goals and start taking practical measures to achieve them. Jordan has the best opportunity to do that, given its unique set of circumstances today. I hope it does so, and creates that one example of a democratic, inclusive, accountable Arab political culture in which stability emanates from the dignity and self-confidence of a satisfied citizenry, rather than from open-ended security laws and often unaccountable security agencies.

posted by Ashraf Zeitoon @ 4:20 AM